With his prison sentence commuted by fellow Rhodes scholar, Bill Clinton, disgraced ex-Congressman Mel Reynolds was arrested in Harare, Zimbabwe, on Monday, February 18. Reynolds, who was convicted of the “statutory” rape of a 16-year-old girl and solicitation of child pornography, is now charged with “possession of pornographic material he shot on different occasions . . . in his hotel rooms” including “more than 100 pornographic videos and a further 2,000 nude pictures,” according to NewsdzeZimbabwe.
He reportedly “conducted the [pornographic] acts in the hotel rooms when he was guarded by four personal aides that were on his payroll.” In Zimbabwe, possession of any pornographic material is a criminal offense. Reynolds is also being charged with violation of immigration laws.
On the surface, this scandal may appear to be of relatively small proportions. But a closer examination of the surrounding circumstances reveals a glimpse at the continuance of Western bankster domination of Zimbabwe and much of the African continent.
To this journalist, the transaction here seems obvious: using its majority-share leverage through the IMF, the US appears to be using the threat of sanctions—in other words, cutting off the international line of credit—to blackmail the corrupt Mugabe government into conceding US-corporate control of Zimbabwean assets. And Reynolds has been playing the broker between US-corporate interests and the Mugabe dictatorship, probably in exchange for some sexual “favors,” so to speak, as kickbacks on the side.
According to an African publication, Mail & Guardian, Reynolds has been acting as “spokesperson” for “A major Chicago fundraiser for United States President Barack Obama [who] has been schmoozing senior Zanu-PF figures, including President Robert Mugabe, in the hope of winning business deals from the Zimbabwe government. . . . [S]enior Zimbabwean security force members have been looking to the fundraiser, real-estate tycoon Elzie Higginbottom, to help the country to wriggle off the hook of targeted US sanctions.”
Higgenbottom’s help has come in the form of “a joint-venture diamond mining company in 2011.” Reynolds, as Higgenbottom’s “spokesperson,” stated “that ‘mining, housing, insurance, farming, banking, medical and other’ deals were [also] under discussion.” In the meantime, Zimbabwean security forces hoped that “Higginbottom would lean on key members of the Obama administration to reverse, or ease, US sanctions against senior Zanu-PF figures,” according to the Mail & Guardian.
Reynolds is denying any wrong doing during his stay in Zimbabwe. In fact, he is claiming to be something of a humanitarian champion of economic development in the country: “It’s the way it is and I have been in this country 17 times where I have done a lot of work for the people, including the fight against sanctions.” But is this “fight against sanctions” merely a favor in return for Zimbabwe’s compliance with ostensible extortion by US-corporate interests?
In his “fight against sanctions,” Reynolds hailed President Mugabe as “one of the last lions of Africa that brought freedom to the people of this great continent.” Mugabe’s police state regime has reportedly been committing crimes against humanity for several years, including the torture of political dissidents.
So how, and why, is a disgraced wash-up like Mel Reynolds still connected to these gangsterish elitists? How and why does a convicted child sex abuser, who was also convicted of obstruction of justice and bank fraud, get authorized to traffic millions of dollars into Zimbabwe as “a middleman for foreign investors,” including top donors to Obama? There appears to be a simple answer: the Rhodes Secret Society.
Mel Reynolds was a Rhodes scholar. Zimbabwe, in honor of Cecil Rhodes, was originally called the Republic of Rhodesia—later Southern Rhodesia, then, after that, the Republic of Zimbabwe Rhodesia. The Rhodes Secret Society and the Rhodes Scholarship were created by Cecil to recruit disciples who would carry out the globalist aspirations of Rhodes’ academic mentor, John Ruskin, who dreamed of a world empire ruled by a British aristocracy. To make Ruskin’s dream come true, the Rhodes Society established secretive Round Table Groups out of which grew the Royal Institute for International Affairs and the American Round Table branch known as the Council on Foreign Relations. Financed by Rothschild bank funds and Rhodes’ own De Beers diamond monopoly, these Round Table Groups were used to carve up most of Sub-Saharan Africa, including what is now Zimbabwe.
With plans to unite the African colonies as subsidiaries of the British Empire, Rhodes financed industrialization projects, such as the Cape-to-Cairo Railway and telegraph line, to build the commercial infrastructure of the British Empire in Africa. Rhodes also installed an Imperial British political infrastructure throughout Africa with the help of many Round Table fellows, such as Lord Alfred Milner, Lionel Curtis, and Jan Smuts. Particularly helpful to this establishment of an Imperial British political-economy was Rhodes’ control of both the English press and the South African press through Round Table members, such as journalist William T. Stead; Head of the Colonial Department of the Times, Flora Shaw; Colonial Editor of The Times and Editor of The Cape Times, B. K. Long; and the Astor family who owned The Times. (A more detailed account of this lesser-known history of Africa can be found in Tragedy and Hope, by Rhodes Society historian, Carroll Quigley—Bill Clinton’s mentor).
The Round Table Groups’ ultimate goal of overt British Imperial control of Africa never exactly came to fruition. Nonetheless, Rhodes-Rothschild bankster interests have continued to dominate much of Africa to this day.
Consider, the recent hyper-inflation of Zimbabwean currency. The International Monetary Fund (which is controlled by the Rothschild-dominated central banks of Western Europe and the United States that are the majority shareholders) denies responsibility for this hyper-inflation. However, many critics refute the IMF’s innocence. Clearly, the inflationary depression in Zimbabwe can be seen as another symptom of predatory lending by the IMF and the World Bank in which they scheme to hijack the political-economies of “Third World” nations through inextinguishable debt, that is, debt slavery. (Joseph Stiglitz, former chief economist of the World Bank, documents these tactics in several publications). In effect, Zimbabwe, despite its formal independence from Britain in 1980, remains neo-colonized through international finance. And it is directly through this IMF debt that the US—under the guise of humanitarian rebuke against the atrocities of Mugabe—can be enabled to threaten sanctions to blackmail Zimbabwe into economic submission. Is this what Reynolds, the Rhodes agent, means when he says he is “fight[ing] against sanctions”?
It is worth noting here that Reynolds hosted Nelson Mandela when the latter visited Chicago in July of 1993, just two months before Mandela signed onto an $850 million loan from the IMF. Was Reynolds playing backdoor broker for the Rothschild IMF then as well?
In closing, Reynolds’ activities in Zimbabwe as “a middleman for foreign investors” seem to be just another chapter in the same old song and dance: the Rhodes-Rothschild rape of Africa. Thanks, Clinton, for commuting your Rhodes comrade’s prison time.
I will leave you with a quote from my wife, Solomohn Ennis-Klyczek, the 16-year-old girl who exposed Reynolds as a sexual predator: “They come in masquerading disparity as opportunity then create depravity. Shame on the (former and active) U.S. politicians who bring their money and influence to Zimbabwe then (further) exploit the people.”
John Klyczek has an MA in English and is a college English instructor, concentrating on the history of global eugenics and Aldous Huxley’s dystopic novel, “Brave New World.”